People Who Dont Fit the Norm - 1468 Words

HOW DO TEXTS EXPLORE THE SAME THEME OF PEOPLE WHO DONT `FIT THE NORM? This investigation examines the way different texts explore the theme of people who dont `fit the norm. The texts that I have chosen were written between 19th-21st centuries, giving a good range of perspectives over different time frames. These texts include `The Piano by Jane Campion, `In my fathers Den by Maurice Gee, and Shakespeares `Othello. This report discusses some common themes that I discovered amongst these texts, I outline how these texts represent a common idea that literature both New Zealand and European, is trying to portray societys views on people and what is considered `normal. How influential are main characters personas in†¦show more content†¦To what extent does the context (time, place, societal attitudes, and other people) help to convey this particular theme? `The Piano is set in the Victorian times where women were repressed, treated as possessions and were expected to play a certain role in the male dominated society... When Ada was sent to live with her husband through arranged marriage, she refused to show any affection towards him. This angers her new, paternal husband who tells her Im supposed to love you. This comment reveals the attitudes of marriage being like an agreement of love, rather than something heartfelt. It also conveys preconceived ideas of how a wife `should behave in that time period and carry out the wifely roles of house-sitting, making love and reproducing to establish the family as `proper and `normal. Ada refused to comply with any or these codes of conduct, making her an unsuitable candidate for the Victorian stereotype of a proper wife. These idealistic societal attitudes about sex, marriage, affection are also explored in `Othello. Although Othello has fulfilled his duty of acquiring a beautiful wife, he is still frowned upon for his colour and age. When Iago is discussing Othellos relationship with his wife he states an old black ram in tupping your white ewe. This has definite racial undertones and sexual connotations, as well as criticising an age gap betweenShow MoreRelatedDeviance Is The Recognized Violation Of Cultural Norms883 Words   |  4 PagesOutcast, school shooters, people who litter, murderers,people who just don t fit in to the norm of what we believe society should be. anyone who doesn t really fit into society based of their action or choice of appearance can be considered to be so-called â€Å"deviant†. before you go into the subject of deviance, you must first know the definition of a deviant. Deviance is â€Å"the recognized violation of cultural norms†. The mention of the word deviant leaves a bad connotation. The very word sparksRead MoreThe Communication Style Of Men And Women918 Words   |  4 Pagesindividuals to communicate because of the competition and judgment people get from other workers. Within the workplace, it is important for those to behave and speak in a professional manner in order for others to see them as assertive. The communication style of men and women creates gender stereotypes in the workplace such as gender role behaviors, social scripts and biological determinism. According to Western Society’s hegemonic norms, the gender binary is given a certain role in which they have toRead MoreThe Rules And Regulations For Patient Treatment1084 Words   |  5 PagesIn today’s society, our norms are different than they were 30 years ago. This also applies to the norms in mental institutions as well. As our society changes, everything else has to subsequently change in order to succeed. Over the years, our treatment, inclusive ness and acceptance of people, especially those who are â€Å"different† has improved. Morals, which are also influenced by society’s norms, are very important in deciding the manner of treating people. People with mental illness, or those withRead MoreNorms : Norms And Norms895 Words   |  4 PagesWhat exactly are Norms? Well, â€Å"Norms† are important rules and expectations set by society as their way of maintaining society. It is how an individual should behave in everyday life in society. These Social Norms aren’t written down they are unwritten rules, meaning you don’t have to follow them. If you choose to follow them you fit into society and are accepted, but if you choose not to, you stand out, your considered different. We need these Norms to guide our behavior, without them societyRead MoreAnalysis Of The Article Biographies Of Hegemony By Karen Ho1574 Words   |  7 Pages As the perception of success evolves due to the impact of outside influences and societal culture, people begin to ask what is success? According to today’s formal education, success is only recognized with the achievement of good grades while a job as an investment banker is deemed as being successful on most Ivy League campuses. In the article â€Å"Biographies of Hegemony† by Karen Ho, the author discusses with the readers how the â€Å"culture of success† impacts the individual s perceptionRead MoreMisfit Vs Grandmother827 Words   |  4 PagesSociety’s standards are what everyone wants to fit into it is the norms that are used as a guide to living life. The grandmother and the misfit in O’Connor’s â€Å"A Good Man is Hard to Find† follow the way of social values, thoughts, and way society sees one another closely in 1953. Both the grandmother and the misfit are different in many ways, but have one common value of so ciety’s views are important to them. 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Social psychologists study how an individual’s or a group ’s viewpoint is changed by the social influence and communication of other individuals and social groups. In this research the main concentration will be on the topic of conformity. The definition of conformity is when an individual alters or changes their attitudes, thoughts and behaviour due to the social pressure and so they can fit in withRead MoreThe End Of Gender Roles1563 Words   |  7 Pages  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gender norms come from many different places and can be influenced by either sex. The mindset that men and women need to be a certain way hinder both parties. Julia Serano, transgendered women and trans and queer author and advocates article â€Å"why nice guys finish last† explains how gender binaries such as men can’t be the victim or women can’t be the aggressor or Women can’t be tough or masculine and a feminine man is undesirable and not a â€Å"man†. affect our way of life. 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The Salem Witch Trials of 1692 - 941 Words

A. Plan of the investigation The Salem Witch Trials of 1692 were a dark and very crucial time in American history. The late sixteen hundreds consisted of relying on young girls for the truth; but to what extent did the puritan’s religion and culture have in the proceedings of the Salem Witch Trials? A focus on the religion that the puritans believed in and their culture will be discussed. Also, how their faith turned them against those who were accused of witchcraft. It is also needed to discuss how they faith of the puritan’s even came about. B. Summary of Evidence The Puritans were a group of people who worked towards religious, moral and societal reforms.1 The Puritans believed that the Bible was Gods law, and that it provided a plan for the living.2 One who lives in accordance with Protestant, should avoid sin.3 They also believed God would punish sins in a severely manner..4 Twenty-four innocent victims lost their lives in the Era of the Salem witch trials. 5 During the years of 1692 and 1693, many people died that was falsely accused of witchcraft. If your name was mention you was automatically punished for witch craft.6 People were hanged, pressed, and even died in prison.7 The accusations, the executions, and the events kept Salem, Massachusetts very much so busy.8 The Puritans had a few major categories that outlined their beliefs.9God made the world good but, Adam and Eve messed that up or everyone to come. All of Gods giftsShow MoreRelatedThe Salem Witch Trials Of 16921281 Words   |  6 PagesThe Salem Witch Trials were a sequence of hearings, prosecutions, and hangings of people who were thought to be involved in witchcraft in Massachusetts. These trials occurred between February 1692 and May 1693(The Salem Witch Trials, 1692. ). The Trials resulted in the execution of twenty people, in fact, most of them were women. The first of the trials began in several towns in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, such as Salem Village (currently known as Danvers), Salem Town, Ipswich, and Andover(SalemRead MoreThe Salem Witch Trials Of 16921270 Words   |  6 PagesThe Salem Witch Trials The year 1692 is remembered as one of the most scandalous times in American History. Throughout the Salem Witch Trials of 1692, over a hundred people were accused of practicing witchcraft (the majority of them being women). 14 women were hung, and 5 men were accused leading to a total of 19 people dying due to these trials. One man was even pressed to death by substantial weights for declining to enter a plea (Linder 1). No less than eight individuals passed on in jail, includingRead MoreSalem Witch Trials Of 16921271 Words   |  6 PagesSalem Witch Trials of 1692 Salem was a very disperse community in the Massachusetts Bay colony with a growing Puritan community in the northern America. Towns in the colony were scattered by a half days travel or more. In view of this, transportation and communication was a very slow and the settlers were threatened by the attack of bears and other wild animals. Puritans were spiritual people and believed that God is the ruler of everything they possessed. The puritans believed that they were theRead MoreThe Salem Witch Trials Of 1692 Essay2205 Words   |  9 Pages The Salem Witchcraft Trials of 1692 were a dark time in American history. There were many possible causes of the Salem Witch Trials. A few major causes that led to the Salem Witch Trials were religion, reputations, and lack of laws. Life before the infamous Salem Witchcraft Trials was extremely mundane and normal. Salem villagers led a simple life in the customs of the Puritans. The Salem village and society was based and founded on the Puritan religion. The people had a very set lifestyle withRead MoreThe Salem Witch Trial Hysteria Of 1692879 Words   |  4 PagesThe Salem Witch Trial hysteria of 1692 caused 20 people to be hung or pressed to death and 4 perished in jail. In addition, 200 people in Salem were accused of being witches. On June 10 of 1692, Bridget Bishop was charged with practicing witchcraft and she was also accused of bewitching her husband to death. The result of her not confessing was that she was hung to her death. All of this frenzy started in the house of Samuel Parris. His daughters were consumed by the bizarre tales told by their IndianRead MoreThe Causes Of The Salem Witch Trials Of 1692700 Words   |  3 PagesSalem Witch Trials DBQ   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   How would you feel if your life was ruined just because you were considered unfit for society? This is exactly what was going on during the Salem Witch Trials of 1692. Prior to the trials, there were witch hunts that caused global unease mainly to Protestant societies. King Philip’s War also contributed to this unease by pushing people from the east coast and into Puritan towns. These towns had misogynistic male leadership, depriving many people of humanity becauseRead MoreEssay on Salem Witch Trials Of 16921061 Words   |  5 PagesThe Salem Witch Trials of 1692 In colonial Massachusetts between February of 1692 and May of 1963 over one hundred and fifty people were arrested and imprisoned for the capital felony of witchcraft. Trials were held in Salem Village, Ipswich, Andover and Salem Town of Essex County of Massachusetts, but accusations of witchcraft occurred in surrounding counties as well. Nineteen of the accused, fourteen women and five men, were hanged at Gallows Hill near Salem Village. Hysteria had swept throughRead MoreWitch Hunts : The Salem Witch Trials Of 1692938 Words   |  4 PagesWitch Hunts Essay â€Å"Its funny how everyone hates witch hunts†¦ until they see a witch† - Jon Stewart Even though The Salem Witch Trials of 1692 was one of the most well-known witchcraft trials over the world, the idea of witchcraft stretches over a long period of time and spreads throughout the world. One of the earliest known witch hunts according to (witchcraftandwitches.com) were in the mid 15th century, where Pope Innocent VII claimed that Satanists in Germany were meeting with demonsRead MoreThe Salem Witch Trials And The Witch Hunts Of 1692801 Words   |  4 Pagesduring the witch hunts of 1692. The primary source that is being analyzed isn’t about him but is from many stories that he collected and put them together in a manuscript. This manuscript that contains true accounts about the trial and it included the attempted escape of Mrs. Cary of Charlestown Massachusetts told from her husband Nathaniel Cary’s viewpoint. I believe that Nathaniel Cary wanted this account to be written in order to highlight and expose how the puritans handled the witch trials and spe cificallyRead MoreThe Spring Of 1692 Salem Witch Trials1698 Words   |  7 PagesIn the spring of 1692 the Salem witch trials began. During this time in history women accused of being witches often faced being torture, testing, and trials. Most of the time witches experienced executions if not that, put in jail. The townspeople tortured the accused witches in the most inhumane ways. This is considered a very dark and eerie time of the Puritans in Salem, Massachusetts (P., Shaunak). A group of young girls in Salem, Massachusetts told the people of their town they had been possessed

Adivasi free essay sample

Adivasi is an umbrella term for a heterogeneous set of ethnic and tribal groups claimed to be the aboriginal population of India. [1][2][3] They comprise a substantial indigenous minority of the population of India. The same term Adivasi is used for the ethnic minorities of Bangladesh and the native Vedda people of Sri Lanka (Sinhala: ). [4] The word is also used in the same sense in Nepal as is another word janajati (Nepali: ; janajati), although the political context differed historically under the Shah and Rana dynasties. Adivasi societies are particularly present in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and some north-eastern states, and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Many smaller tribal groups are quite sensitive to ecological degradation caused by modernisation. Both commercial forestry and intensive agriculture have proved destructive to the forests that had endured swidden agriculture for many centuries. [5] Connotations of the word adivasi[edit] Although terms such as atavika, vanavasi (forest dwellers), or girijan (hill people)[6] are also used for the tribes of India, adivasi carries the specific meaning of being the original and autochthonous inhabitants of a given region and was specifically coined for that purpose in the 1930s. [7] Over time, unlike the terms aborigines or tribes, the word adivasi has developed a connotation of past autonomy which was disrupted during the British colonial period in India and has not been restored. [8] In Nepal, the infiltration of Khas people from west to east through the Middle Hills, then the consolidation of dozens of petty kingdoms by the Shahs followed by the usurpation by the Ranas brought indigenous nationalities under orthodox Hindu rule and then codified inferior social and political status into a corpus of law known as Muluki Ain. Although the Shah kings were restored to power in the revolution of 1950, they still governed mostly for and through high caste Bahuns, Thakuris, Chhetris and Newars. Enfranchisement of adivasis—except Newars—seldom advanced beyond lip service. This produced grievances that were instrumental in the Nepalese Civil War, where the rank and file of guerrilla fighters were largely adivasi. Thus in Nepal, there are no historical parallels to British interference with orthodox Hindu discrimination, nor was there much resembling Indias significantly effective post-Independence efforts[citation needed] to improve the lot of adivasis. In India, opposition to usage of the term is varied, and it has been argued that the original inhabitant contention is based on the fact that they have no land and are therefore asking for a land reform. They argue that they have been oppressed by the superior group and that therefore they require and demand a reward and more specifically a land reform . [9] In Northeast India, the term adivasi applies only to the Tea-tribes imported from Central India during colonial times, while all tribal groups refer collectively to themselves by using the English word tribes. Scheduled tribes[edit] The Constitution of India, Article 366 (25) defines Scheduled Tribes as such tribes or tribal communities or part of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to the scheduled Tribes (STs) for the purposes of this Constitution. In Article 342, the procedure to be followed for specification of a scheduled tribe is prescribed. However, it does not contain the criterion for the specification of any community as scheduled tribe. An often used criterion is based on attributes such as: †¢Geographical isolation – they live in cloistered, exclusive, remote and inhospitable areas such as hills and forests. †¢Backwardness – their livelihood is based on primitive agriculture, a low-value closed economy with a low level of technology that leads to their poverty. They have low levels of literacy and health. †¢Distinctive culture, language and religion – communities have developed their own distinctive culture, language and religion. †¢Shyness of contact – they have a marginal degree of contact with other cultures and people. [10] Particularly vulnerable tribal groups[edit] The Scheduled Tribe groups who were identified as more isolated from the wider community and who maintain a distinctive cultural identity have been categorised as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PTGs) (previously known as Primitive Tribal Groups) by the Government at the Centre. So far seventy-five tribal communities have been identified as particularly vulnerable tribal groups in different States of India. These hunting, food-gathering, and some agricultural communities, have been identified as less acculturated tribes among the tribal population groups and in need of special programmes for their sustainable development. The tribes are awakening and demanding their rights for special reservation quota for them. [11] Geographical overview[edit] A girl of the Chenchu tribe in the Nallamala forest, Andhra Pradesh There is a substantial list of Scheduled Tribes in India recognised as tribal under the Constitution of India. Tribal people constitute 8. 6% of the nations total population, over 104 million people according to the 2011 census. One concentration lives in a belt along the Himalayas stretching through Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttarakhand in the west, to Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur, and Nagaland in the northeast. In the northeastern states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland, more than 90% of the population is tribal. However, in the remaining northeast states of Assam, Manipur, Sikkim, and Tripura, tribal peoples form between 20 and 30% of the population. Another concentration lives in the hilly areas of central India (Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and, to a lesser extent, Andhra Pradesh); in this belt, which is bounded by the Narmada River to the north and the Godavari River to the southeast, tribal peoples occupy the slopes of the regions mountains. Other tribals, including the Santals, live in Jharkhand and West Bengal. Central Indian states have the countrys largest tribes, and, taken as a whole, roughly 75% of the total tribal population live there, although the tribal population there accounts for only around 10% of the regions total population. There are smaller numbers of tribal people in Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala in south India; in western India in Gujarat and Rajasthan, and in the union territories of Lakshadweep and the Andaman Islands and Nicobar Islands. About one percent of the populations of Kerala and Tamil Nadu are tribal, whereas about six percent in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka are members of tribes. The peopling of India[edit] The concept of original inhabitant is directly related to the initial peopling of India, which, due to the debate on topics such as the Indo-Aryan migration hypothesis, has been a contentious area of research and discourse. [12] Some anthropologists hypothesize that the region was settled by multiple human migrations over tens of millennia, which makes it even harder to select certain groups as being truly aboriginal. [13] One narrative, largely based on genetic research, describes Negritos, similar to the Andamanese adivasis of today, as the first humans to colonise India, likely 30–65 thousand years before present (kybp). [14][15] 60% of all Indians share the mtDNA haplogroup M, which is universal among Andamanese islander adivasis and might be a genetic legacy of the postulated first Indians. [16] Some anthropologists theorise that these settlers were displaced by invading Austro-Asiatic-speaking Australoid people (who largely shared skin pigmentation and physiognomy with the Negritos, but had straight rather than curly hair), and adivasi tribes such as the Irulas trace their origins to that displacement. [17][18] The Oraon adivasi tribe of eastern India and the Korku tribe of western India are considered to be examples of groups of Australoid origin. [19][20] Subsequent to the Australoids, most anthropologists and geneticists agree that Caucasoids (including both Dravidians and Indo-Aryans) and Mongoloids (Sino-Tibetans) immigrated into India: the Dravidians possibly from Iran,[21][22][23] the Indo-Aryans possibly from the Central Asian steppes[22][24][25] and the Tibeto-Burmans possibly from the Himalayan and north-eastern borders of the subcontinent. [26] None of these hypotheses is free from debate and disagreement. Ethnic origins and linguistic affiliations in India match only inexactly, however: while the Oraon adivasis are classified as an Australoid group, their language, called Kurukh, is Dravidian. [27] Khasis and Nicobarese are considered to be Mongoloid groups[28][29] and the Munda and Santals are Australoid groups,[30][31][32] but all four speak Austro-Asiatic languages. [28][29][30] The Bhils and Gonds are frequently classified as Australoid groups,[33] yet Bhil languages are Indo-European and the Gondi language is Dravidian. [27] Also, in post-colonial India, tribal languages suffered huge setbacks with the formation of linguistic states after 1956 under the States Reorganisation Act. For example, under state-sponsored educational pressure, Irula children are being taught Tamil and a sense of shame has begun to be associated with speaking the Irula language among some children and educated adults. [17] Similarly, the Santals are gradually adopting languages of the areas inhabited, like Oriya in Odisha, Hindi in Bihar and Bengali in West Bengal. [31] Disruptions during Mughal and colonial periods[edit] Mughal period[edit] Although considered uncivilised and primitive,[34] adivasis were usually not held to be intrinsically impure by surrounding (usually Dravidian or Aryan) casted Hindu populations, unlike Dalits, who were. [7][35] Thus, the adivasi origins of Valmiki, who composed the Ramayana, were acknowledged,[36] as were the origins of adivasi tribes such as the Grasia and Bhilala, which descended from mixed Rajput and Bhil marriages. [37][38] Unlike the subjugation of the Dalits, the adivasis often enjoyed autonomy and, depending on region, evolved mixed hunter-gatherer and farming economies, controlling their lands as a joint patrimony of the tribe. [34][39][40] In some areas, securing adivasi approval and support was considered crucial by local rulers,[7][41] and larger adivasi groups were able to sustain their own kingdoms in central India. [7] The Gond Rajas of Garha-Mandla and Chanda are examples of an adivasi aristocracy that ruled in this region, and were not only the hereditary leaders of their Gond subjects, but also held sway over substantial communities of non-tribals who recognized them as their feudal lords. [39][42] This relative autonomy and collective ownership of adivasi land by adivasis was severely disrupted by the advent of the Mughals in the early 16th century. Rebellions against Mughal authority are the Bhil Rebellion of 1632 and the Bhil-Gond Insurrection of 1943[43] which were both crushed by Mughal soldiers. British period[edit] From the very early days of British rule, the tribesmen resented the British encroachments upon their tribal system. They were found resisting or supporting their brethren of Tamar and Jhalda in rebellion. 11 Nor did their raja welcome the British administrative innovations. [44] Beginning in the 18th century, the British added to the consolidation of feudalism in India, first under the Jagirdari system and then under the zamindari system. [45] Beginning with the Permanent Settlement imposed by the British in Bengal and Bihar, which later became the template for a deepening of feudalism throughout India, the older social and economic system in the country began to alter radically. [46][47] Land, both forest areas belonging to adivasis and settled farmland belonging to non-adivasi peasants, was rapidly made the legal property of British-designated zamindars (landlords), who in turn moved to extract the maximum economic benefit possible from their newfound property and subjects without regard to historical tenure or ownership. [48] Adivasi lands sometimes experienced an influx of non-local settlers, often brought from far away (as in the case of Muslims and Sikhs brought to Kol territory)[49] by the zamindars to better exploit local land, forest and labor. [45][46] Deprived of the forests and resources they traditionally depended on and sometimes coerced to pay taxes, many adivasis were forced to borrow at usurious rates from moneylenders, often the zamindars themselves. [50][51] When they were unable to pay, that forced them to become bonded labourers for the zamindars. [52] Often, far from paying off the principal of their debt, they were unable even to offset the compounding interest, and this was made the justification for their children working for the zamindar after the death of the initial borrower. [52] In the case of the Andamanese adivasis, long isolated from the outside world in autonomous societies, mere contact with outsiders was often sufficient to set off deadly epidemics in tribal populations,[53] and it is alleged that some sections of the British government directly attempted to destroy some tribes. [54] Land dispossession and subjugation by British and zamindar interests resulted in a number of adivasi revolts in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, such as the Santal hul (or Santhal rebellion) of 1855–56. [55] Although these were suppressed ruthlessly by the governing British authority (the East India Company prior to 1858, and the British government after 1858), partial restoration of privileges to adivasi elites (e. g. to Mankis, the leaders of Munda tribes) and some leniency in tax burdens resulted in relative calm, despite continuing and widespread dispossession, from the late nineteenth century onwards. [49][56] The economic deprivation, in some cases, triggered internal adivasi migrations within India that would continue for another century, including as labour for the emerging tea plantations in Assam. [57] Participation in Indian independence movement[edit] There were tribal reform and rebellion movements during the period of the British Empire, some of which also participated in the Indian freedom struggle or attacked mission posts. [58] There were several Adivasis in the Indian independence movement including Dharindhar Bhyuan, Laxman Naik, Jantya Bhil, Bangaru Devi and Rehma Vasave. List of rebellions[edit] During the period of British rule, India saw the rebellions of several backward-castes, mainly tribals that revolted against British rule. These were:. [59] 1. Great Kuki Invasion of 1860s 2. Halba rebellion (1774–79) 3. Chamka rebellion (1776–1787)[60] 4. Chuar rebellion in Bengal (1795–1800)[61] 5. Bhopalpatnam Struggle (1795) 6. Khurda Rebellion in Odisha (1817)[62] 7. Bhil rebellion (1822–1857)[63] 8. Paralkot rebellion (1825) 9. Tarapur rebellion (1842–54) 10. Maria rebellion (1842–63) 11. First Freedom Struggle (1856–57) 12. Bhil rebellion, begun by Tantya Tope in Banswara (1858)[64] 13. Koi revolt (1859) 14. Gond rebellion, begun by Ramji Gond in Adilabad (1860)[65] 15. Muria rebellion (1876) 16. Rani rebellion (1878–82) 17. Bhumkal (1910) 18. The Kuki Uprising (1917–1919)in Manipur 19. 1st Rampa Rebellion (1879), Vizagapatnam (Now Visakhapatnam Dist. ) 20. 2nd Rampa Rebellion (1921–1923), Visakhapatnam Dist. 21. Santhal Revolt (1885–1886) Tribal classification criteria and demands[edit] Scarification, a traditional symbol of Great Andamanese tribal identity (1901 photo) Population complexities, and the controversies surrounding ethnicity and language in India, sometimes make the official recognition of groups as adivasis (by way of inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes list) political and contentious. However, regardless of their language family affiliations, Australoid and Negrito groups that have survived as distinct forest, mountain or island dwelling tribes in India and are often classified as adivasi. [66] The relatively autonomous Mongoloid tribal groups of Northeastern India (including Khasis, Apatani and Nagas), who are mostly Austro-Asiatic or Tibeto-Burman speakers, are also considered to be adivasis: this area comprises 7. 5% of Indias land area but 20% of its adivasi population. [67] However, not all autonomous northeastern groups are considered adivasis; for instance, the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Meitei of Manipur were once tribal but, having been settled for many centuries, are caste Hindus. [68] It is also difficult, for a given social grouping, to definitively decide whether it is a caste or a tribe. A combination of internal social organisation, relationship with other groups, self-classification and perception by other groups has to be taken into account to make a categorisation, which is at best inexact and open to doubt. [69] These categorisations have been diffused for thousands of years, and even ancient formulators of caste-discriminatory legal codes (which usually only applied to settled populations, and not adivasis) were unable to come up with clean distinctions. [70] Demands for tribal classification[edit] An additional difficulty in deciding whether a group meets the criteria to be adivasi or not are the aspirational movements created by the federal and state benefits, including job and educational reservations, enjoyed by groups listed as scheduled tribes (STs). [71] In Manipur, Meitei commentators have pointed to the lack of scheduled tribe status as a key economic disadvantage for Meiteis competing for jobs against groups that are classified as scheduled tribes. [68] In Assam, Rajbongshi representatives have demanded scheduled tribe status as well. [72] In Rajasthan, the Gujjar community has demanded ST status, even blockading the national capital of Delhi to press their demand. [73] However, the Government of Rajasthan declined the Gujjars demand, stating the Gujjars are treated as upper caste and are by no means a tribe. [74] In several cases, these claims to tribalhood are disputed by tribes who are already listed in the schedule and fear economic losses if more powerful groups are recognized as scheduled tribes; for instance, the Rajbongshi demand faces resistance from the Bodo tribe,[72] and the Meena tribe has vigorously opposed Gujjar aspirations to be recognized as a scheduled tribe. [75] Endogamy, exogamy and ethnogenesis[edit] Part of the challenge is that the endogamous nature of tribes is also conformed to by the vast majority of Hindu castes. Indeed, many historians and anthropologists believe that caste endogamy reflects the once-tribal origins of the various groups who now constitute the settled Hindu castes. [76] Another defining feature of caste Hindu society, which is often used to contrast them with Muslim and other social groupings, is lineage/clan (or gotra) and village exogamy. [77][78] However, these in-marriage taboos are also held ubiquitously among tribal groups, and do not serve as reliable differentiating markers between caste and tribe. [79][80][81] Again, this could be an ancient import from tribal society into settled Hindu castes. [82] Interestingly, tribes such as the Muslim Gujjars of Kashmir and the Kalash of Pakistan observe these exogamous traditions in common with caste Hindus and non-Kashmiri adivasis, though their surrounding Muslim populations do not. [77][83] Some anthropologists, however, draw a distinction between tribes who have continued to be tribal and tribes that have been absorbed into caste society in terms of the breakdown of tribal (and therefore caste) boundaries, and the proliferation of new mixed caste groups. In other words, ethnogenesis (the construction of new ethnic identities) in tribes occurs through a fission process (where groups splinter-off as new tribes, which preserves endogamy), whereas with settled castes it usually occurs through intermixture (in violation of strict endogamy). [84] Other criteria[edit] Unlike castes, which form part of a complex and interrelated local economic exchange system, tribes tend to form self-sufficient economic units. For most tribal people, land-use rights traditionally derive simply from tribal membership. Tribal society tends to the egalitarian, with its leadership based on ties of kinship and personality rather than on hereditary status. Tribes typically consist of segmentary lineages whose extended families provide the basis for social organisation and control. Tribal religion recognises no authority outside the tribe. Any of these criteria may not apply in specific instances. Language does not always give an accurate indicator of tribal or caste status. Especially in regions of mixed population, many tribal groups have lost their mother tongues and simply speak local or regional languages. In parts of Assam – an area historically divided between warring tribes and villages – increased contact among villagers began during the colonial period, and has accelerated since independence in 1947. A pidgin Assamese developed while educated tribal members learned Hindi and, in the late twentieth century, English. Self-identification and group loyalty do not provide unfailing markers of tribal identity either. In the case of stratified tribes, the loyalties of clan, kin, and family may well predominate over those of tribe. In addition, tribes cannot always be viewed as people living apart; the degree of isolation of various tribes has varied tremendously. The Gonds, Santals, and Bhils traditionally have dominated the regions in which they have lived. Moreover, tribal society is not always more egalitarian than the rest of the rural populace; some of the larger tribes, such as the Gonds, are highly stratified. The apparently wide fluctuation in estimates of South Asias tribal population through the twentieth century gives a sense of how unclear the distinction between tribal and nontribal can be. Indias 1931 census enumerated 22 million tribal people, in 1941 only 10 million were counted, but by 1961 some 30 million and in 1991 nearly 68 million tribal members were included. The differences among the figures reflect changing census criteria and the economic incentives individuals have to maintain or reject classification as a tribal member. These gyrations of census data serve to underline the complex relationship between caste and tribe. Although, in theory, these terms represent different ways of life and ideal types, in reality they stand for a continuum of social groups. In areas of substantial contact between tribes and castes, social and cultural pressures have often tended to move tribes in the direction of becoming castes over a period of years. Tribal peoples with ambitions for social advancement in Indian society at large have tried to gain the classification of caste for their tribes. On occasion, an entire tribe or part of a tribe joined a Hindu sect and thus entered the caste system en masse. If a specific tribe engaged in practices that Hindus deemed polluting, the tribes status when it was assimilated into the caste hierarchy would be affected. Religion[edit] Main article: Tribal religions in India The majority of Adivasi practice Hinduism and Christianity. During the last two decades Adivasi from Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand have converted to Protestant groups. Adivasi beliefs vary by tribe, and are usually different from the historical Vedic religion, with its monistic underpinnings, Indo-European deities (who are often cognates of ancient Iranian, Greek and Roman deities, e. g. Mitra/Mithra/Mithras), lack of idol worship and lack of a concept of reincarnation. [85] Hinduism[edit] Adivasi roots of modern Hinduism[edit] Some historians and anthropologists assert that much of what constitutes folk Hinduism today is actually descended from an amalgamation of adivasi faiths, idol worship practices and deities, rather than the original Indo-Aryan faith. [86][87][88] This also includes the sacred status of certain animals such as monkeys, cows, peacocks, cobras (nagas) and elephants and plants such as the sacred fig (pipal), Ocimum tenuiflorum (tulsi) and Azadirachta indica (neem), which may once have held totemic importance for certain adivasi tribes. [87] Adivasi sants[edit] A sant is an Indian holy man, and a title of a devotee or ascetic, especially in north and east India. Generally a holy or saintly person is referred to as a mahatma, paramahamsa, or swami, or given the prefix Sri or Srila before their name. The term is sometimes misrepresented in English as Hindu saint, although sant is unrelated to saint. †¢Sant Buddhu Bhagat, led the Kol Insurrection (1831–1832) aimed against tax imposed on Mundas by Muslim rulers. †¢Sant Dhira or Kannappa Nayanar[2], one of 63 Nayanar Shaivite sants, a hunter from whom Lord Shiva gladly accepted food offerings. It is said that he poured water from his mouth on the Shivlingam and offered the Lord swine flesh. [3] †¢Sant Dhudhalinath, Koli, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th century devotee (P. 4, The Story of Historic People of India-The Kolis) †¢Sant Ganga Narain, led the Bhumij Revolt (1832–1833) aimed against missionaries and British colonialists. †¢Sant Girnari Velnathji, Koli, Gujarati of Junagadh, a 17th or 18th century devotee[89] †¢Sant Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma or Guru Brahma, a Bodo whose founded the Brahma Dharma aimed against missionaries and colonialists. The Brahma Dharma movement sought to unite peoples of all religions to worship God together and survives even today. †¢Sant Kalu Dev, Punjab, related with Fishermen community Nishadha †¢Sant Kubera, ethnic Gujarati, Koli tribal of Sarsa, taught for over 35 years, and had 20,000 followers in his time. [90] †¢Sant Jatra Oraon, Oraon, led the Tana Bhagat Movement (1914–1919) aimed against the missionaries and British colonialists †¢Sant Sri Koya Bhagat, Koli, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th century devotee[89] †¢Sant Tantya Mama (Bhil), a Bhil after whom a movement is named after – the Jananayak Tantya Bhil †¢Sant Tirumangai Alvar, Kallar, composed the six Vedangas in beautiful Tamil verse [4] Sages[edit] †¢Bhaktaraj Bhadurdas, Koli, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th century devotee[89] †¢Bhakta Shabari, a Nishadha woman who offered Shri Rama and Shri Laxmana her half-eaten ber fruit, which they gratefully accepted when they were searching for Shri Sita Devi in the forest. †¢Madan Bhagat, Koli, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th century devotee[89] †¢Sany Kanji Swami, Koli, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th century devotee[89] †¢Bhaktaraj Valram, Koli, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th century devotee[89] Maharishis[edit] †¢Maharshi Matanga,[91] Matanga Bhil, Guru of Bhakta Shabari. In fact, Chandalas are often addressed as ‘Matanga ’in passages like Varaha Purana 1. 139. 91 †¢Maharshi Valmiki, Kirata Bhil, composed the Ramayana. [36] He is considered to be an avatar in the Balmiki community. Avatars[edit] †¢Birsa Bhagwan or Birsa Munda, considered an avatar of Khasra Kora. People approached him as Singbonga, the Sun god. His sect included Christian converts. [5] He and his clan, the Mundas, were connected with Vaishnavite traditions as they were influenced by Sri Chaitanya. [6] Birsa was very close to the Panre brothers Vaishnavites. †¢Kirata – the form of Lord Shiva as a hunter. It is mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Karppillikkavu Sree Mahadeva Temple, Kerala adores Lord Shiva in this avatar and is known to be one of the oldest surviving temples in Bharat. †¢Vettakkorumakan, the son of Lord Kirata. †¢Kaladutaka or Vaikunthanatha, Kallar (robber), avatar of Lord Vishnu. [7] Other tribals and Hinduism[edit] Some Hindus believe that Indian tribals are close to the romantic ideal of the ancient silvan culture[92] of the Vedic people. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar said: The tribals can be given yajnopavita (†¦) They should be given equal rights and footings in the matter of religious rights, in temple worship, in the study of Vedas, and in general, in all our social and religious affairs. This is the only right solution for all the problems of casteism found nowadays in our Hindu society. [93] At the Lingaraj Temple in Bhubaneswar, there are Brahmin and Badu (tribal) priests. The Badus have the most intimate contact with the deity of the temple, and only they can bathe and adorn it. [94][95] The Bhils are mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Bhil boy Ekalavyas teacher was Drona, and he had the honour to be invited to Yudhisthiras Rajasuya Yajna at Indraprastha. [96] Indian tribals were also part of royal armies in the Ramayana and in the Arthashastra. [97] Shabari was a Bhil woman who offered Rama and Lakshmana jujubes when they were searching for Sita in the forest. Matanga, a Bhil, became a Brahmana. [citation needed] Sarna[edit] The Oraon tribe followed the Sarna religion,[98] where Sarna means sacred grove. Their religion is based on the oral traditions passed from generation-to-generation. It strongly believes in one God, the Great Spirit. Traditionally, the women were not allowed into the Sarna places of worship (sarna sthal), but Akhil Bhartiya Sarna Dharma Samiti (All India Sarna Religion Committee) has campaigned against this custom. [99] Demands for a separate religious code[edit] Some Adivasi organisations have demanded that a distinct religious code be listed for Adivasis in the 2011 census of India. The All India Adivasi Conference was held on 1 and 2 January 2011 at Burnpur, Asansol, West Bengal. 750 delegates were present from all parts of India and cast their votes for Religion code as follows: Sari Dhorom – 632, Sarna – 51, Kherwalism – 14 and Other Religions – 03. Census of India. [100] Tribal system[edit] Tribals are not part of the caste system,[101] and usually constitute egalitarian societies. Christian tribals do not automatically lose their traditional tribal rules. When in 1891 a missionary asked 150 Munda Christians to inter-dine with people of different rank, only 20 Christians did so, and many converts lost their new faith. Father Haghenbeek concluded on this episode that these rules are not pagan, but a sign of national sentiment and pride, and wrote: On the contrary, while proclaiming the equality of all men before God, we now tell them: preserve your race pure, keep your customs, refrain from eating with Lohars (blacksmiths), Turis (bamboo workers) and other people of lower rank. To become good Christians, it (inter-dining) is not required. [102] However, many scholars argue that the claim that tribals are an egalitarian society in contrast to a caste-based society is a part of a larger political agenda by some to maximize any differences from tribal and urban societies. According to scholar Koenraad Elst, caste practices and social taboos among Indian tribals date back to antiquity: The Munda tribals not only practise tribal endogamy and commensality, but also observe a jati division within the tribe, buttressed by notions of social pollution, a mythological explanation and harsh punishments. A Munda Catholic theologian testifies: The tribals of Chhotanagpur are an endogamous tribe. They usually do not marry outside the tribal community, because to them the tribe is sacred. The way to salvation is the tribe. Among the Santals, it is tabooed to marry outside the tribe or inside ones clan, just as Hindus marry inside their caste and outside their gotra. More precisely: To protect their tribal solidarity, the Santals have very stringent marriage laws. A Santal cannot marry a non-Santal or a member of his own clan. The former is considered as a threat to the tribes integrity, while the latter is considered incestuous. Among the Ho of Chhotanagpur, the trespasses which occasion the exclusion from the tribe without chance of appeal, are essentially those concerning endogamy and exogamy. Inter-dining has also been prohibited by many Indian tribal peoples. Education[edit] Extending the system of primary education into tribal areas and reserving places for tribal children in middle and high schools and higher education institutions are central to government policy, but efforts to improve a tribes educational status have had mixed results. Recruitment of qualified teachers and determination of the appropriate language of instruction also remain troublesome. Commission after commission on the language question has called for instruction, at least at the primary level, in the students native tongue. In some regions, tribal children entering school must begin by learning the official regional language, often one completely unrelated to their

Problems with traditional ethnographic film-making as exemplified by Nanook of the North Essay Example

Problems with traditional ethnographic film-making as exemplified by Nanook of the North Essay The film Nanook of the North is a pioneering effort by film-maker Robert Flaherty. Released in 1922 and filmed in the immediately preceding years, the film was a tentative experimentation in two genres – ethnography and documentary. At a time when the written word was the primary mode of information dissemination, Nanook of the North attempted to achieve what an ethnographic book on the Eskimo would have done. When motion picture as we know it today was taking its early steps as a medium of popular culture, Flaherty, who called it a non-fiction film, can be credited to have made the first documentary. Looking back at the ninety years since the release of Nanook of the North, one can see vast improvisations in film-making technique and technology. The addition of synchronized sound would be another cornerstone in the history of films. (Ellis McLane, 2005) As can be expected in this early example/experimentation with narrative film, there are a few obvious problem areas. While nominally adapted to the documentary form, the viewer cannot avoid feeling the enactment of a pre-conceived script. It is as if the film-maker, instead of making himself the invisible observer of unfolding events, seems to have instructed Nanook and his clan to perform specific acts. This is typical of not only early documentaries but also the vast body of ethnographic publishing of the previous century. For example, other post-First World War forays in this genre such as Dziga Vertov’s The Man with the Movie Camera, Walter Ruttmann’s Berlin: Symphony of a City (1927) and John Grierson’s Drifters (1929) all share this common flaw. This is also true of Flaherty’s subsequent film Moana (1926). Flaherty portrays Eskimo and Samoan cultures in a revisionist mode by creating imagined characters, bringing back to life lost cultural prac tices (such as hunting for Walruses using harpoons) and setting the film in an ancient period (conveyed to the audience through use of oil lamps when electricity is easily available). All this goes to show that these early ethnographies were â€Å"done less in the name of art than to salvage elements of the past by portraying them in the filmic equivalent of ‘the ethnographic present’. As a result, Flaherty’s alterations and temporal licenses met considerable disapproval in scholarly circles. He only inflamed passions further by stating, ‘Sometimes you have to lie. One often has to distort a thing to catch its true spirit’.† (Askew, 2006, p.29) We will write a custom essay sample on Problems with traditional ethnographic film-making as exemplified by Nanook of the North specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Problems with traditional ethnographic film-making as exemplified by Nanook of the North specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Problems with traditional ethnographic film-making as exemplified by Nanook of the North specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer There is also a directorial slant that seeks to iterate well-established stereotypes of the natives. This is not only applicable to Nanook and the Native American stock he comes from, but also to all indigenous people under European imperialist purview. For example, similar stereotyping of the natives is evident in British-authored ethnographies in Indian subcontinent, German experience in African colonies, Belgians in the Congo and the French occupation of Indo-China. What is also evident in early film ethnographies are the fixedness in perspective – these films were made by white men for other white men, with a patronizing attitude toward nativities/communities being explored. Further, the primitives were shown to display Western family ideals: â€Å"Like a museum display in which sculpted models of family groups perform â€Å"traditional activities,† Nanook’s family adopts a variety of poses for the camera. These scenes of the picturesque always represent a particular view of family or community, usually with the father as hunter and the mother as nurturer, paralleling Western views of the nuclear family. In the following trading post sequence, Nanook is shown to be ignorant of Western technology†¦.This conceit of the indigenous person who does not understand Western technology allows for voyeuristic pleasure and reassures the viewer of the contrast between the Primitive and the Modern: it ingrains the notion that the people are not really acting.† (Rony, 1996, p.112) Indeed, the patronizing attitude toward the subject is revealed by the extent of staging and acting incorporated in the film. In Nanook of the North, it later emerged that the two female companions to Nanook are not his partners at all, but rather the wives of Robert Flaherty (as qualified by common law provisions of early twentieth century). In the film Nanook Revisited, which was made toward the end of the century, the film crew get to interact with one of Flaherty’s offspring, begotten him by one of the female characters in the earlier film. Such revelations prompt serious questions about the integrity of the project Flaherty had undertaken, where the projected ‘reality’ is far from the actual reality. It is safe to say that the film-maker’s personal involvement in the lives of on-screen characters has not been paralleled in documentary films made in following decades. The lack of authenticity of portrayed indegenous people is learnt from the direct orial choices. For example, Nanook wasn’t the actual name of the male protagonist, but rather it is Allakariallak; the wife and mother of his children Nyla was played by Alice Nuvalinga (one of the wives of Flaherty) alongside the other woman Cunayoo, and Nanook’s son Allegoo’s real name is Phillipoosie. Hence, what is construed dominates what is actual – something that modern documentaries have significantly overcome. In modern ethnographic documentaries, the focus is more pronounced on objective reality as opposed to cinematic appeal. (Griffiths, 2002, p.114) One area of ambiguity in Nanook of the North is the mixing of nature and ethnographic documentary genres in one product. As much as the film is about the life and livelihood of an archetypal clan of the American Arctic, a major portion of the film is dedicated to covering animal life in the region, with walruses, seals, fishes and sledge dogs all getting detailed attention. These passages in the film are comparable to the kind of work David Attenborough had undertaken throughout his illustrious career. But in Attenborough’s case the emphasis was clearly on nature and what transient coverage of human inhabitants takes place is only to provide the requisite backdrop. In Nanook of the North, Flaherty clearly gets carried away by events and phenomena in the Arctic wild that the film ends up giving inadequate screen-time to developing human characters. While Nanook, Nyla and other members of the small family are introduced in brief, the identities of these characters are not pr operly developed. Always preoccupied with the here-and-now, the Eskimo has no time, energy or the inclination to grow his spirituality. (Bird, 1996, p.258) While this is the impression given to the audience, it is not a wholly accurate one. Of course, one has to remember that Robert Flaherty was much more than a film-maker. He was a key member of the early Arctic explorers, whose contribution to the understanding of the region is very important. More than an ethnographer, Flaherty donned additional hats of cartographer, miner, geologist, wildlife photographer and more. â€Å"In the course of four expeditions, financed by Sir William Mackenzie (who â€Å"with his daring imagination, was to Canada what Cecil Rhodes was to Africa†), Robert Flaherty added the Belcher Archipelago to the map of Canada and had an island named after him by the Canadian government. He was, too, the first white man to cross the Ungava Peninsula, known until then only by the Eskimo – whose constant, uncomplaining battle for near survival and whose friendly ways and humor he came not only to admire, bur to love. â€Å" (Lee, 1984, p.38) Hence, the flaws inherent in Flaherty’s early forays into film-making should be seen in the context of his overall contributions and multiple roles played by him. To accuse Flaherty of employing re-enactment, staging and altering in what was supposedly a ‘documentary work’, is a harsh indictment of him. Modern scholars, analysing Nanook of the North retrospectively see such things as persistent phenomenon in the whole history of ethnographic documentary film. For example, it is common practice to make natives perform rituals specially for the camera and settings changed in order to accommodate the film crew. Following Nanook of the North, other ethnographic documentaries of the American North appeared. Prominent among them such as Eskimo (1934) and The Alaskan Eskimo (1953) were full of carefully staged reconstructions under directions from the film-maker. Hence, to single out Flaherty as breaking the integrity of ethnographic film making is unfair. If anyth ing, the blurring of the boundary between ‘fiction’ and ‘documentary’ can be seen as necessary for achieving overall dramatic effect and artistic quality. The success and lasting legacy of the film is a valid proof of this filming philosophy. (Askew, 2006, p.27) Indeed, Nanook of the North was such an influential film in early â€Å"non-fiction† genre, that the methods used in its making, flawed as they might be, have been widely adopted in subsequent projects. For example, the subtitle of Flaherty’s next film Moana: A Romance of the Golden Age indicates that the film-maker was dealing with myth. Due to this perception, the director â€Å"established the other face, a prototype of the documentary†. This precursor to the whole array of documentaries that are released later reveals â€Å"a more popular approach to what sometimes would be called the drama-documentary or docudrama.† A good example of this genre is the Silent Enemy (1930) – a film about the Native Indian tribes of North American tundra as they struggle to stave-off starvation. (McCaffrey Jacobs, 1999, p.217)